Sabato, ed. In frank, accessible prose, each author offers insight that goes beyond the headlines, and dives into the underlying forces and shifts that drove the election from its earliest developments to its dramatic conclusion. March 26, Whether discussing particular races or taking a broader look at national trends, contributors captivate students with stories and political drama, yet weave in important scholarship and expert analysis. Each chapter, written specifically for this volume, offers readers historical perspective, as well as a forward look to implications for the political system.
Ceaser, Andrew E. Busch and John J. Pitney, Jr. April Ceaser and Andrew E. Busch—joined in by John J. Pitney Jr. As always Ceaser, Busch, and Pitney combine a concise account of the elections as well as its broader context for American politics and institutions. Crotty, ed. April 30, Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers.
Characterized by diversity, liveliness, and data-informed analysis, this new book captures the highlights of , looking ahead as well as to its antecedents.
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Box-Steffensmeier and Steven E. Schier, eds. May 1, In addition to assessing election results, the book examines the consequences of the large ambitions of the Obama presidency and the political and policy risks entailed in the pursuit of those ambitions. It also explores Congressional elections and policymaking since , and how they affected election results in The book promises a more coherent focus than that evident in similar edited works, achieved through a limited number of chapters and clear definition of chapter content.
Johnson, ed. July 8, New York, NY: Routledge. It is written by both campaigns and elections scholars and practitioners, who highlight the role of political consultants and campaigns while also emphasizing the strategy and tactics employed by the candidates, the national political parties, and outside interests. The contributors explore the general mood of the electorate in the election, the challenges Obama faced after his first term, the primaries, money, communication, the important issues of the election, and finally the election itself.
This is the most comprehensive and broad treatment of the presidential election available. Denton, Jr. July The contributors look at the early campaign period, the nomination process and conventions, the social and political contexts, the debates, the role of candidate spouses, candidate strategies, political strategies, and the use of the Internet and other technologies.
Miller, ed. It is a diverse and award winning group, including established and respected names in presidency studies, political psychology, and election forecasting The contributions address a wide range of subjects, from the accuracy of pre-election forecasts, the effect of the election on relations between Obama and congressional leaders, the effect of race and religion on the outcome, the consequences for the Republican Party, and prospects for leadership in a second term.
Alexander and Bernadette N. How is it that, after suffering a humiliating defeat in the mid-term elections, Obama was able to turn the situation around, deftly outmaneuvering his opponent and achieving a decisive victory in the November presidential election? In this short and brilliant book, Jeffrey Alexander and Bernadette Jaworsky argue that neither money nor demography can explain this dramatic turnaround.
But the great bulk of his support came from the lower middle class or petty bourgeoisie, representing a staunchly anti-working class, racist, and anti-establishment outlook—which nevertheless aligned itself with capital. Hitler also received backing from devout Protestants, rural voters, disabled veterans, and older voters or pensioners.
The parallels with the Trump phenomenon in the United States are thus sufficiently clear. Once in power, fascist movements have historically cleansed themselves rapidly of the more radical lower-middle-class links that helped bring them to power, and soon ally themselves firmly with big business—a pattern already manifesting itself in the Trump administration. Yet despite these very broad similarities, key features distinguish neofascism in the contemporary United States from its precursors in early twentieth-century Europe.
It is in many ways a unique form, sui generis. There is no paramilitary violence in the streets. There are no black shirts or brown shirts, no Nazi Stormtroopers. There is, indeed, no separate fascist party. After its defeat in the First World War, Germany in the s was in the midst of the Great Depression, and about to resume its struggle for economic and imperial hegemony in Europe.
This represents a different trajectory. Further distinguishing the neofascism of our present moment is the advent of the climate change crisis—the very reality of which the White House denies. Rather than address the problem, the new administration, backed by the fossil-capital wing of the Republican Party, has declared flatly that anthropogenic climate change does not exist. It has chosen to defy the entire world in this respect, repudiating the global scientific consensus. But if the White House is now best described, for all of the above reasons, as neofascist in its leanings, this does not extend to the entire U.
Here it is vital to understand that fascism is not in any sense a mere political aberration or anomaly, but has historically been one of two major modes of political management adopted by ruling classes in the advanced capitalist states. Far from being democratic in any egalitarian sense, liberal democracy has allowed considerable room for the rise of plutocracy, i.
Liberal democracy is not, however, the only viable form of rule in advanced capitalist states. In periods of systemic crisis in which property relations are threatened—such as the Great Depression of the s, or the stagnation and financialization of recent decades—conditions may favor the rise of fascism.
Moreover, then as now, fascism is invariably a product of the larger context of monopoly capital and imperialism, related to struggles for hegemony within the capitalist world economy. Such a crisis of world hegemony, real or perceived, fosters ultra-nationalism, racism, xenophobia, extreme protectionism, and hyper-militarism, generating repression at home and geopolitical struggle abroad. Liberal democracy, the rule of law, and the very existence of a viable political opposition may be endangered.
How are they related to the larger crisis of the U. And how do we exploit these contradictions to create a powerful, united resistance movement? Fascism is one of the political forms which capitalism may assume in the monopoly-imperialist phase.
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The complete development of a fascist state, understood as a historical process, requires a seizure of the state apparatus in its totality, and therefore the elimination of any real separation of powers between the various parts, in the interest of a larger struggle for national as well as world dominance. In a complete fascist takeover, the already incomplete protections to individuals offered by liberal democracy are more or less eliminated, along with the forces of political opposition.
Property rights, however, are invariably protected under fascism—except for those racially, sexually, or politically targeted, whose property is often confiscated—and the interests of big capital are enhanced. The corporations provide the discipline and the state will only take up the sectors related to defense, the existence and security of the homeland. We shall protect free enterprise as the most expedient, or rather the sole possible economic order.
Indeed, an often overlooked Nazi policy was the selling-off of state property. Under Hitler, the United Steel Trust was privatized in just a few years, and by all of the major banks were privatized. All of this increased the power and scope of capital. Profit-making and the return of property to private hands, moreover, have assisted the consolidation of Nazi Party power.
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If privatization within industry was crucial to the rise of fascism in Germany, thereby further concentrating the economic power of the capitalist class, it was the consolidation of Nazi rule within the state itself that made the former possible, breaking the liberal-democratic order altogether. During this period a kind of judicial cloak legitimated the consolidation of power, to be largely dispensed with later. Gleichschaltung in Germany was aimed at all the separate branches of the state and the ideological state apparatus simultaneously, but underwent several stages or qualitative breaks.
This was soon accompanied by the arrest and purging of political opponents. This initial stage of bringing into line ended in July with the abolition of all political parties other than the National Socialist German Workers Party. The second stage was aimed at establishing control over and integration of the military, as well as the universities, the press, and other social and cultural organizations.
As rector of the University of Freiburg, beginning in , the German philosopher Martin Heidegger was charged with the institution of Gleichschaltung as his main official duty. Heidegger carried out these functions to the letter, helping purge the university and denouncing colleagues. In these years, he worked closely with Carl Schmitt to promote the Nazi ideology, helping to rationalize anti-Semitism and presiding over symbolic book burnings.
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Other fascist states have followed a similar, if less totalizing, trajectory. Many of these developments were specific to Europe in the s, and are unlikely to recur in anything resembling the same form in our day. The deeper motive of all these forms of reaction, however, is the repression of the work force. What concrete evidence is there, then, that the Trump White House is working to implement neofascist forms of capitalist state management, transgressing legal norms and abrogating liberal democratic protections? Here it is useful to remind ourselves of the characteristics of fascism in general, of which U.
This reversal of values is then always accompanied by a return of backward-looking ideas, which are able to provide an apparent legitimacy to the procedures of submission that are implemented. The ultra-nationalist and ultra-right-wing slant of the new administration is not to be doubted.
We will reinforce old alliances and form new ones—and unite the civilized world against Radical Islamic Terrorism, which we will eradicate completely from the face of the Earth…. We must protect our borders from the ravages of other countries making our products, stealing our companies, and destroying our jobs…. America will start winning again, winning like never before….