Sabato, ed. In frank, accessible prose, each author offers insight that goes beyond the headlines, and dives into the underlying forces and shifts that drove the election from its earliest developments to its dramatic conclusion. March 26, Whether discussing particular races or taking a broader look at national trends, contributors captivate students with stories and political drama, yet weave in important scholarship and expert analysis. Each chapter, written specifically for this volume, offers readers historical perspective, as well as a forward look to implications for the political system.
Ceaser, Andrew E. Busch and John J. Pitney, Jr. April Ceaser and Andrew E. Busch—joined in by John J. Pitney Jr. As always Ceaser, Busch, and Pitney combine a concise account of the elections as well as its broader context for American politics and institutions. Crotty, ed. April 30, Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers.
Characterized by diversity, liveliness, and data-informed analysis, this new book captures the highlights of , looking ahead as well as to its antecedents.
Valgkamppoesi: Obama om Rubio: «He might get his ass kicked»
Box-Steffensmeier and Steven E. Schier, eds. May 1, In addition to assessing election results, the book examines the consequences of the large ambitions of the Obama presidency and the political and policy risks entailed in the pursuit of those ambitions. It also explores Congressional elections and policymaking since , and how they affected election results in The book promises a more coherent focus than that evident in similar edited works, achieved through a limited number of chapters and clear definition of chapter content.
Johnson, ed. July 8, New York, NY: Routledge. It is written by both campaigns and elections scholars and practitioners, who highlight the role of political consultants and campaigns while also emphasizing the strategy and tactics employed by the candidates, the national political parties, and outside interests. The contributors explore the general mood of the electorate in the election, the challenges Obama faced after his first term, the primaries, money, communication, the important issues of the election, and finally the election itself.
This is the most comprehensive and broad treatment of the presidential election available. Denton, Jr. July The contributors look at the early campaign period, the nomination process and conventions, the social and political contexts, the debates, the role of candidate spouses, candidate strategies, political strategies, and the use of the Internet and other technologies.
Miller, ed. It is a diverse and award winning group, including established and respected names in presidency studies, political psychology, and election forecasting The contributions address a wide range of subjects, from the accuracy of pre-election forecasts, the effect of the election on relations between Obama and congressional leaders, the effect of race and religion on the outcome, the consequences for the Republican Party, and prospects for leadership in a second term.
Alexander and Bernadette N. How is it that, after suffering a humiliating defeat in the mid-term elections, Obama was able to turn the situation around, deftly outmaneuvering his opponent and achieving a decisive victory in the November presidential election? In this short and brilliant book, Jeffrey Alexander and Bernadette Jaworsky argue that neither money nor demography can explain this dramatic turnaround.
But the great bulk of his support came from the lower middle class or petty bourgeoisie, representing a staunchly anti-working class, racist, and anti-establishment outlook—which nevertheless aligned itself with capital. Hitler also received backing from devout Protestants, rural voters, disabled veterans, and older voters or pensioners.
The parallels with the Trump phenomenon in the United States are thus sufficiently clear. Once in power, fascist movements have historically cleansed themselves rapidly of the more radical lower-middle-class links that helped bring them to power, and soon ally themselves firmly with big business—a pattern already manifesting itself in the Trump administration. Yet despite these very broad similarities, key features distinguish neofascism in the contemporary United States from its precursors in early twentieth-century Europe.
It is in many ways a unique form, sui generis. There is no paramilitary violence in the streets. There are no black shirts or brown shirts, no Nazi Stormtroopers. There is, indeed, no separate fascist party. After its defeat in the First World War, Germany in the s was in the midst of the Great Depression, and about to resume its struggle for economic and imperial hegemony in Europe.
This represents a different trajectory. Further distinguishing the neofascism of our present moment is the advent of the climate change crisis—the very reality of which the White House denies. Rather than address the problem, the new administration, backed by the fossil-capital wing of the Republican Party, has declared flatly that anthropogenic climate change does not exist. It has chosen to defy the entire world in this respect, repudiating the global scientific consensus. But if the White House is now best described, for all of the above reasons, as neofascist in its leanings, this does not extend to the entire U.
Here it is vital to understand that fascism is not in any sense a mere political aberration or anomaly, but has historically been one of two major modes of political management adopted by ruling classes in the advanced capitalist states. Far from being democratic in any egalitarian sense, liberal democracy has allowed considerable room for the rise of plutocracy, i.
Liberal democracy is not, however, the only viable form of rule in advanced capitalist states. In periods of systemic crisis in which property relations are threatened—such as the Great Depression of the s, or the stagnation and financialization of recent decades—conditions may favor the rise of fascism.
Moreover, then as now, fascism is invariably a product of the larger context of monopoly capital and imperialism, related to struggles for hegemony within the capitalist world economy. Such a crisis of world hegemony, real or perceived, fosters ultra-nationalism, racism, xenophobia, extreme protectionism, and hyper-militarism, generating repression at home and geopolitical struggle abroad. Liberal democracy, the rule of law, and the very existence of a viable political opposition may be endangered.